In the civil liberties context, ballyhoo about “state’s rights”
has always been code for bigotry. It was that way during the 1960s civil rights
movement. It’s that way now in the struggle for the civil rights of transgender
people.
The official charged with protecting children is the State
Superintendent of Public Instruction. Republicans pass the job among themselves
and the current office holder is Julian Balow.
Ms. Balow says it’s
“critical” that “the uniqueness” of all students be protected. However,
she says, the federal government shouldn’t interfere with the rights of school
districts to make that choice.
The
Governor of budget-busted Wyoming hustled enough money, not only to give his
staff huge pay raises, but also to sue the federal government over rules
requiring schools to allow transgender students to use restrooms conforming to
their gender identity. But then local and state
governments never won many “Profiles in Courage” medals for protecting civil
rights.
A contemporary example is the Cleveland, Mississippi school
board. The U.S. Supreme Court determined racial segregation in schools was
illegal in 1954. Cleveland’s school board took the position that civil rights
were matters for the local school board to decided. They weren’t about to let
little white children sit next to little black children in their schools.
So it went for six decades. Last month the federal court
issued its order. Brown v. Board of Education, the 1954 Supreme Court decision integrating
schools would finally be enforced as the law of the land even in Cleveland,
Mississippi.
President Harry Truman appointed a Civil Rights Commission
in 1947. Weeping and wailing was heard
across the land. Those with prejudice in their hearts spoke nobly of the rights
of state and local governments to decide who could vote, where people of color
could eat, sleep or live, and ironically whether bathrooms could be divided
between “whites” and “coloreds.”
Truman’s commission listened. They studied the way state and
local governments had historically responded. The evidence proved local and
state government officials had themselves been the worst perpetrators of the
most egregious wrongs.
The commission used language decidedly poignant in the
current dispute. “The nation, they announced, “cannot afford to delay action
until the most backward community has learned to prize civil liberty.”
It took a while, but the Truman commission’s position eventually
became bedrock American law in the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Basic civil rights
protections arise first and foremost from federal law, specifically the U.S.
Constitution. Someone’s politically convenient view of federalism doesn’t
change that. It didn’t then and it doesn’t now.
Look at the history of civil liberties in the United States.
Most women and African Americans would not be guaranteed the right to vote if
states’ rights were supreme. Basic rights of those accused of crimes would be
denied in most states without federal intervention. Many pandering politicians
would like to undo marriage equality and allow state legislatures to be a tool
of discrimination.
When it comes to civil rights, our history is clear. The
government that is closest to the people does not govern best. It doesn’t have
the moral wherewithal to stand against popular prejudices. The closeness renders
them unable to do so. When asked to protect minorities, it is much easier to
listen to the loudest voices of the majority and to pander to them despite
their prejudices and ignorance.
You’d think those like Ms. Balow, charged with the quality of
education, could muster the courage to educate others about transgender issues.
A few minutes spent Googling the term provides facts necessary to alleviate unfounded
fears of rational people. That would be courageous. But courage has never been
characteristic of state governments in civil rights. It’s always been easier to
rattle about “states’ rights.”
That is why the federal Constitution has supremacy in matters
of common civil liberties. It’s why “federal bureaucrats,” as Superintendent
Balow derogatorily refers to those carrying out the law, have the right to
interfere when state politicians find it impossible to do what’s right.
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